China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA)
Australia–China relations, often known as the Sino–Australian relations, refers to the relations . There is also a long tradition of Chinese students going to Australia to study. The numbers were small initially: a total of only 30 students entered. Dating in Australia; a guide for international students. Dating culture in Australia, date ideas and the answer to the age old question, who pays?. Chinese settlement in Australia has a long history, beginning soon after the . Hierarchical and tightly knit family structures in the Confucian tradition have for The hierarchical nature of familial roles and relationships often spells out the.
This provides Australian businesses access to the same deals that China strikes in free trade agreements with other nations such as the USA that may offer better access to the Chinese market. Specific areas of opportunity in China include: Improved market access for Australian banks, insurers, securities and futures companies, law firms, education services exporters, health-care providers, aged-care providers, construction firms and telecommunications businesses.
Increased business and skilled worker mobility.
Fraying Australia and China relations face testing times in Canberra | Reuters
The Chinese Government is reducing barriers to Australians working in China. Wholly Australian-owned companies will now be allowed to establish in China. This will benefit firms in areas such as telecommunications, tourism and hotels, health and aged care, manufacturing, maritime transport, real estate, and research and development.
One of the first foreign policy actions by the new Coalition Government after its election in March was to call in the Chinese Ambassador to express its concern about the mounting tensions between China and Taiwan. The new Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Alexander Downer, also welcomed the US decision to move warships into the Straits as a sign of US commitment to the security of the East Asian region, as 'demonstrating [US] interest in participating in regional security issues in a very practical way'.
Chinese Government representatives did not make any particular public response to the position of the government, but subsequent events suggest that they took note of Australia's quick support for the US and began to look for further signs that policy in Canberra was changing with the new government, in particular that Australia was moving away from its 'one China' policy.
China began to register great sensitivity to Australian dealings with the government in Taipei. In July, the Mayors of Beijing and Shenzhen declined to attend an Asian cities' conference held in Brisbane in protest against the attendance of the Mayor of Taipei, Mr Chen Shui-bian, a leading figure in the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party. Mr Downer had issued a statement saying that the federal government had no objection to a visit by Mr Chen.
Funded as part of Australia's overseas aid program, the scheme had been controversial for some time and the government decided to abolish it as part of efforts to reduce budget expenditure.
The Chinese Ambassador said the move would: We hope that the Australian Government will follow internationally accepted practices and continue to support the projects in the pipeline All these projects have been committed by the two governments.
If they are not to be carried out, then it won't be in line with international practices. But it has also been suggested that the Chinese were particularly concerned that the cancellation of DIFF funding was part of a wider campaign by Western countries to restrict the flow of development assistance to China.
Australia's cancellation of projects in China financed through soft loans may have strengthened fears in Beijing that Australian foreign policy was taking on a new pro-US and anti-China character. The 'Claws of a Crab'? Part of the foreign policy agenda of the new Coalition Government was to re-emphasise Australia's security relationship with the US.
China–Australia Free Trade Agreement - Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
At the AUSMIN talks the two countries signed a new security declaration and agreed to expand the range of joint exercises, including regular participation by US personnel on Australian soil. Chinese reaction to the development came quickly and stridently, in the form of a commentary in the official People's Daily.
From this we can see that the United States is really thinking about using these two 'anchors' as the craws of a crab The recent moves by the US in Australia show that the Cold War thought process has not changed much in the minds of some people, who still hope to play the role of the global policeman. Whereas the previous Labor Government paid more attention to building bilateral security relations, the new government has repeatedly emphasised the importance of its traditional allies.
Using the metaphors beloved of Chinese commentary, the article compared Australia to a bat which gave its allegiance to the mammals when they triumphed, but showed its wings and declared itself a bird when the birds were victorious.
What countries have seen instead are aid cuts to Asia and speeches by the MP, Pauline Hanson, full of anti-Asian and anti-immigration sentiment. As soon as it was announced that the Buddhist leader and symbol of the Tibetan independence struggle would be visiting Australia, the Chinese Government began protesting against any suggestion that the Dalai Lama would meet the Prime Minister or any senior Australian Government figure. When the Prime Minister said he would indeed meet the Dalai Lama, the People's Daily launched a particularly strident attack on the Australian government: The statement repeated the warning that the decision would 'unavoidably produce a negative impact on relations between China and Australia'.
Nevertheless, senior members of previous Australian governments and parliament had held meetings with the Dalai Lama without the vituperation which marked their reaction to Mr Howard's meeting. The Chinese have always opposed such meetings but their response on this occasion was at a new level. It is quite unusual for Australian foreign policy to be subject to a repeated critique in the Chinese press.
The View from Beijing The change in the character of Chinese statements about Australia needs to be understood as the product of a general perception in Beijing that Australian policy was being redefined under a Coalition Government. A number of individual actions without a united objective in mind were interpreted by the Chinese authorities as a co-ordinated policy response.
The Australian Government did not appear to appreciate the extent to which Beijing would read a single coherent meaning into the actions.
The view from Beijing was that Australia under a Coalition Government was becoming less sympathetic to the Chinese position on highly sensitive issues such as Taiwan and Tibet and was moving to re-emphasise traditional especially US relationships at the expense of Asian connections. Of particular disquiet from Beijing's point of view, Australia's renewed stress on the importance of the US alliance was seen as a return to a less independent foreign policy which would conform more closely to US interests.
This was regarded with particular concern at a time when China-US relations were being affected by a number of disagreements. Dealing with an Emerging Great Power Following the efforts of senior Australian Government officials and the meeting between the Australian Prime Minister and Chinese President in Manila in Novemberthe government of China brought an end to the hostile public critique of Australian policy.
A Chinese presidential spokesman was reported as describing the Howard-Ziang meeting as 'very friendly': One meeting cannot resolve all the problems, but the two leaders have reached a common understanding to overcome our difficulties and keep better relations in the future. This is the beginning of another stage; that we should keep the momentum going.
His comments indicate that the Chinese Government has a generally positive attitude towards the prospects for Sino-Australian relations. Politically and militarily, China and Australia pose no threat to each other. Economically, the two countries complement each other. Furthermore, there are many opportunities for Australia and China to cooperate with each other in international and particularly regional issues.
He said the difficulties in were due to the Australian government taking 'some actions which ended up hurting the national feelings of the Chinese people'.
As long as the two countries respect each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, bilateral relations will continue to develop and the potential for cooperation between the two sides will be enhanced.
Although Australia's relations with China have undergone a qualitative change during the last decade and are no longer framed in predominantly geopolitical terms, the Chinese leadership still conducts all its international affairs with broader regional and global implications in mind. Containment, Engagement and Australia-China Relations Chinese perceptions of how it is regarded in international affairs are still strongly influenced by suspicions that the US and to some extent Japan and other Western powers harbour a desire to prevent China from taking its place amongst the major players on the world stage.
Chinese officials look back on a history in which China saw itself as the 'Middle Kingdom' to which the rest of the world paid tribute, followed by a hundred years of humiliation and incursions into its sovereignty by foreigners.
When the Chinese people 'stood up', as Mao put it inand embarked on a new effort to rebuild their country, the US instituted a policy of 'containment' which the Chinese Government considered was an attempt to keep China weak and isolated.
These crucial underlying factors in China's relations with the countries of the West became especially evident in the discord which affected US relations with China beginning from Relations deteriorated over a number of issues: US actions over Taiwan and strategic issues began to be read as signs of a return to the policies of 'containment'.
Beijing feared that while professing to seek 'constructive engagement' with China, the US actually wanted to contain the rise of a rival superpower.
Fraying Australia and China relations face testing times in Canberra
Australia is seen as a faithful long-term ally of the US which supported the US during the Vietnam War and the Cold War and emulated the US policy of recognising the Taiwan regime as the legitimate government of China. At the same time, Australia is appreciated for its capacity to act independently of the US, including trading with China during the s and s and recognising the PRC insix years before the US.
During the s, Australia's close relationship with China also played a small role in facilitating China's economic and political opening to the world in the post-Maoist era.
Australia also expressed its disagreement with US efforts, in andto link China's MFN status with the issue of human rights. Nevertheless, the Chinese authorities remain highly sensitive to any perceived changes in Australia's strategic and economic outlook and are especially wary of any moves to return to what could be seen as a slavish emulation of the US. While Australia and China have, since the s, developed a strong bilateral relationship based on shared interests, China still handles its affairs with individual countries in the context of global strategic relationships.
As Australia's bilateral and regional involvement with China grows in the future, a key challenge for Australia's policy-makers will be to balance the demands of the relationship with China while maintaining close strategic and economic ties with the US.
One of the central dilemmas for both Australia and the US will continue to be the question of Taiwan. China under the current regime would never accept a formally independent Taiwan, but Taiwan has been effectively independent for many years and is becoming an increasingly important economic player in the region, lobbying with growing effectiveness for a more regularised status in the international community.
The contrast of Taiwan's transition to democratic rule with the authoritarianism and suppression of human rights in China has been instrumental in winning Taipei many supporters in the US, particularly in Congress. Any change in policy on Taiwan in either Washington or Canberra would jeopardise the even more important relationship with Beijing, yet the pressures on the current ambiguous arrangements can only grow in the future.
The issue of Hong Kong is not fraught with the complexities of Taiwan's status, but the territory's reunification with China in July has many potential problems, not only in terms of their implications for US-China relations but because of Australia's direct bilateral interests.
Hong Kong is a very important trading partner for Australia whose economic future is of great interest for Australia, and Australia will be unable to stand aloof from the tensions which may develop over the issue of political freedom and human rights in the territory under Chinese rule.
Economic Growth and Political Uncertainty The growing importance of relations with China for Australian policy-makers is set to continue because China is maintaining rapid economic growth even while entering a period of political uncertainty. International attention has focused even more on this uncertainty since the death of Deng Xiaoping. The Chinese economy has sustained an average annual growth rate of almost ten per cent over the last decade and is projected to become the world's second largest economy within the next ten years.
China's growth, together with Australia's greater relative economic involvement in the Asia-Pacific region, have led to a twenty per cent average annual increase in Australia's exports to China over the last five years. China is currently Australia's fifth largest trading partner and if the trade figures with Hong Kong were to be added after reunification in Julythe total would rank third after Japan and the US.
Chinese investment in Australian agriculture and minerals has expanded considerably in recent years.
Australia's Relations with China: What's the Problem?
China's economic success has boosted the confidence with which the Chinese Government is conducting its foreign relations and asserting its position in regional territorial disputes such as the Spratly Islands, 28 in its relations with powers such as the US and Japan and over issues such as human rights.
While China's military capability is limited and its armed forces are only at the beginning of what will be a long process of modernisation, the country's rapid economic development provides the necessary conditions for its eventual rise to the status of a major military power.
The effective debunking of Maoist ideology following the rise to power of Deng Xiaoping has meant that the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party has come to rely on its capacity to deliver access to material wealth.
But the benefits of the new approach have not flowed evenly to the Chinese people. In contrast with the shared backwardness of Maoist China, regional disparities are widening as well-situated provinces take advantage of new opportunities while poorer regions experience far less growth. Importers should seek the authorised template from the relevant authorising body. How can I get an advance ruling from Australian customs?
If you are importing goods into Australia and would like an advance ruling on a classification or origin of a good, please contact the Australian Department of Immigration and Border Protection DIBP.
Applications for ChAFTA advance rulings became available from 1 December and should be submitted to chafta border.As the Chinese challenge grows, Australia Broadens Its Military Relationships With Shipbuilding
More information can be found on the DIBP website. How can I get an advance ruling from China's customs authority? Australian exporters can request formal advice from the China Customs Service about the tariff classification of the goods intended for export to China, as well as a ruling on origin.
We update the guide whenever more information about advance rulings becomes available. Your importer or your customs broker may also be able to assist you with this process. Can I make a retrospective claim? Can I access preferential rates following import? Under ChAFTA, importers can claim preferential tariff treatment after the good has been imported and a claim was not made at the time of importation.