Haiti–United States relations - Wikipedia
And some other things about the country that Donald Trump doesn't know and doesn't care to know. Title: The diplomatic relations of the United States with Haiti, , by Rayford W. Logan; Physical Description: Mixed Material; Publisher: Chapel Hill, The. Haiti – United States relations are bilateral relations between Haiti and the United States. According to the U.S. Global Leadership Report, 79% of Haitians.
We know from other sources that Vergennes wrote the French ambassador to London on June 23,that the French possessions in the Carib- bean might tempt the British and that, therefore, if the British increased their fleet to America, France might have to reEnforce her colonial garrisons.
But in September of that year France sent only three battalions to Saint Domingue and three to Martinique. On the other hand, a long despatch which Vergennes wrote on October 27,to D'Ennery made no reference to the situation in the Thirteen Colonies.
The bound- ary treaty provided in Article X for the passage of French and Spanish troops through each other's colony. Article IX of the treaty for the policing of the frontier stipulated: Doniol, Participation de la France, I, Nor did the Coun- cil of State that considered the treaties on May 5,make any reference to the value of the permission to pass through Santo Domingo. In fact, Vergennes had, at just about this time, evidently informed D'Ennery that there was no real danger of a British attack, for the governor- general wrote him on May 19, For that reason, he continued: It would, therefore, be very wise to prevent any effort since we have time.
On June 15,Vergennes instructed D'Ennery not to leave on a vacation as he had planned to do "until calmer circumstances dispel all the anxieties against which it is very difficult to defend ourselves. But, al- though the British difficulties might assure France safety in her colonies, "it would be more prudent, I think, to owe it [the safety] only to ourselves. That is the doctrine that I preach here, but you can better establish the necessity [for defense].
You are on the ground. We need your advice.
At all events, D'Ennery reluctantly agreed on July 18,to stay at his post. On August 28,for example, he wrote D'Ennery that the critical situation in America required the continued services of an administrator endowed with his foresight.
Vergennes feared, however, that "despair" on the part of the British might "bring about a catastrophe against which it is wise to be prepared.
U.S. Relations With Haiti
Such an invasion was not immediately to be feared because not only was there little danger of reconciliation between the United States and Great Britain but the struggle would probably be long and bloody. He would like to believe that the fire in his neighbor's house would be confined to it, but one could never be sure. France's in- tentions were peaceful but the desire for peace did not always in- sure it.
Vergennes would have more faith in strong and vigorous demonstrations, for in politics as in other matters fear is as power- ful an argument as is love.
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Vergennes did inform him on September 20 that he could count upon the aid of Solano in case of attack and he did instruct him to ascertain the strength of the Spanish forces in the island. But he gave no detailed orders nor, apparently did Sartine for con- certed action. D'Ennery on October 2,took exactly the same position as that which Vergennes had set forth on June 15, namely, that the British were too busy elsewhere to venture an attack on Saint Domingue but that "it would be more prudent to owe our safety only to ourselves.
In the event of a British attack on Saint Domingue he was to rush to its assistance with all his forces. But if he received no word of an attack on Saint Domingue, he was not to leave the eastern Caribbean. These instructions reveal no serious alarm but rather the desire to take elementary precautions against a possible attack. Indeed, when Vergennes began, after he had received news of the American victory at Saratoga, to drive for an alliance of the two countries with the United States, the astute Florida Blanca harped upon France's refusal to accede to his re- quest as a pretext for obstructing the proposed alliance.
First, the tradition of a British attack upon the French West Indies at the first favorable moment was so strong in the French foreign office that Vergennes and most of the Council of State expected an attack in the early days of the American Revolution. Second, as the strug- gle revealed each of the contestants increasingly determined to achieve his objectives, Vergennes and his advisers acquired the conviction that the danger of attack was not imminent.
They never- theless remained alert. For additional evidence of this same attitude see A. D'Ennery died in Saint Domingue on December 13, Malouet, Mdmoires Paris,I, The new materials do not help us definitely to solve the riddle.TIA&TW: Haiti Today - Looking to the Future
It is evident, however, from the documents already published that if he has deceived posterity, he also deceived contem- porary French statesmen, for Louis XVI, Maurepas and other members of the Council of State, and Ossun all agreed with him early in that there was a real danger of reconciliation and joint attack. There could be no doubt that the loss of the Thirteen Colonies would greatly weaken Great Britain.
Haiti's complicated relationship with the US - CNN
There was, on the other hand, only the possibility that Great Britain would attack the French West Indies. But even that contingency had to be guarded against because France would gain little if, while the Thirteen Colonies were being subtracted from the British scale, France at the same time lost her remaining possessions in the Western world.
Whatever may have been the role of the French West Indies in determining French policy from tothe guarantee of those possessions by the United States "forever from the present time and against all other powers" constitutes probably the most entangling permanent commitment in the history of the United States. It is, of course, possible to argue that this American guarantee reveals a real fear on France's part of a Brit- ish attack on her Caribbean colonies.
Fortunately for the United States the wars of the French Revolution were to permit her to liberate herself from an entanglement that might have changed her history. Another possible reason for French aid and the alliance was the desire to promote commerce between the United States and France, including the French West Indies. It is true that Vergennes adumbrated the importance of commerce be- tween the United States and Saint Domingue as early as September 20, In a letter of that date to D'Ennery he referred to Spain's permission for France to obtain supplies for her West Indian colo- nies from certain of Spain's possessions, including Louisiana.
Since these would hardly suffice, however, help from the Americans "would be more direct and more abundant. He was even optimistic enough to foresee the possibility that D'Ennery might obtain from the Americans a surplus that he could send to France.
At all events, Stephen Girard, "the first private banker in the Untied States," laid the foundation for his later enormous fortune by trading with Saint Domingue during the American Revolution and the years afterward. But this argument was advanced at a time when, as will be shown later,54 some French statesmen were advocating in the face of considerable opposition a friendly policy toward the United States.
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That the desire for commerce between the United States and the French West Indies was only a secondary consideration is evidenced by the terms of the treaty of commerce which was also signed on February 6, The most-favored-nation treatment which it granted to Americans was confined to the French ports in Europe.
France did promise to keep open the existing free ports in the Caribbean, but she did not open any new ones there.
In only one respect did the treaty seek to promote trade between the United States and the French West Indies. The original treaty exempted molasses taken by Americans from those islands from the payment of duty in the United States in return for a promise not to impose an export tax on goods taken by Frenchmen from the United States to those possessions.
In evaluating the motives behind the French policy, we must also consider the opportunity for profits foreseen by some enter- prising French friends of the United States.
This examination will permit us at the same time to assay the importance of Saint Domingue in the scheme of secret aid and to indicate the personal "See below, p. As early as September,D'Ennery reported that Americans had bought a lot of powder in Saint Domingue during that year. The Continental Congress did not fail to take ad- vantage of the opportunities for buying in the Caribbean the sup- plies that the Americans sorely needed.
On October 13,the Committee of the Whole resolved that it be recommended to the various revolutionary assemblies that they export certain products at their own risk to the foreign West Indies in return for "arms, ammunition, sulphur and salt petre. Beaumarchais had already had a romantic interest in Saint A. Franklin Jame- son, "St.
He had also had a financial interest in the colony as a result of investments that he had made there. He pointed out that by using French vessels they could be absolutely sure of the "trans- portation of munitions to Cap Fran9ais which Hortalez has chosen to be his first port of deposit in America. Just how much aid. The assembly industry of Port-au-Prince was closely tied to the United States economy. In short, the economic and the political influence of the United States in Haiti was more powerful than the influence of any other country.
Still, contemporary American diplomatic interest in Haiti has been minimal.
Washington's interest in Haiti arose chiefly because of the country's proximity to the Panama Canal and Central America. Haiti also controls the Windward Passage, a narrow body of water that could be easily closed, disrupting maritime traffic. In the nineteenth century, the United States considered establishing a naval base in Haiti.
Since the s, Washington has viewed Haiti as an anticommunist bulwark, partly because of the country's proximity to Cuba.
In the s, the United States expressed a special interest in curbing illegal Haitian immigration. Washington also attempted to curtail shipments of illegal drugs to and from Haiti.
From the s untilUnited States assistance to Haiti grew. After the violently disrupted elections of Novemberhowever, United States president Ronald Reagan suspended all aid to Haiti.
The Dominican Republic was the second most important country to Haiti because the two nations shared a border, but the two countries were ambivalent toward each other.
Haiti supplied cheap labor to the Dominican Republic, mostly to help harvest sugarcane. Under the Duvaliers, this arrangement involved an annual intergovernmental exchange of funds for the supply of cane cutters. For generations Haitians had informally crossed the Dominican Republic's border in search of work. An estimatedpeople of Haitian parentage lived in the Dominican Republic. The border has been an issue of contention in other respects as well. The Haitian economy has proved to be a desirable market for Dominican products, effectively undercutting Haitian production of certain commodities and reducing the domestic market for some Haitian goods.
Also, exiled Haitian politicians have readily sought refuge in the Dominican Republic and have gained allies there in efforts to bring down Haitian governments.