Sociology of the family - Wikipedia
Sociological studies of the family look at: demographic characteristics of the family members: . To paraphrase the quote, family structure is changing drastically and there is a vast variety of different . Another theory to explain why relationships end is the "Mate ejection theory", by Brian 16– doi: / One reason is that many studies of romantic relationships are carried out not in real life, but in the lab. The surprising findings of this study, reported in the prestigious journal Social Psychological and Psychological theories of love focus on such quintessential features as . Reply to stilllearning2b · Quote stilllearning2b. The No Questions Asked Rule | 16 Social Theories And Relationship Rules From How I met your mother How I Met Your Mother, Himym, Hockey Quotes.
Another theory to explain why relationships end is the "Mate ejection theory", by Brian Boutwell, J. According to this theory there are gender differences in the process of ejection. For example, a woman will be more upset when her husband emotionally cheats on her and a man will be more upset when his wife physically cheats on him.
The reason for this stems from evolutionary roots, a man emotionally cheating on his wife equates to a loss or reduction in resources for the wife to raise the children whereas an act of physical infidelity by the wife threatens the husband's chance to pass on his genes to the next generation via reproduction. Both these circumstances call for mate ejection. The Marin County Project the clinical study of 60 families that began inThe Virginia County Study a series of longitudinal studies on marriage, divorce and remarriage and The Binuclear Family Studies of 98 families have helped expand the literature on divorce.
A lot of quantitative research done by other scholars agrees with Wallerstein's conclusion. It has been shown that the children with divorced parents have an increased risk of: Wallerstein, however, has a disputed 'extreme version' of her theory where she claims that the difference between the children with divorced and continuously married parents is dramatic and pervasive.
One such opponent of Wallerstein's extreme theory is Mavis Hetherington who argues that the negative effects of divorce on children have been exaggerated and that most children grow up without long-term harm.
It is a dynamic process of social interactions and relationships. Mothering is typically associated with women since it is typically women who mother their children. However, "not all women mother, and mothering as nurturing and caring work is not inevitable the exclusive domain of women".
The roles associated with motherhood are variable across time and culture. This approach identifies mothers through what they do, rather than how they feel. Mothers share a set of activities known as "maternal practice", that are universal, even though they vary as individuals and across cultures.
These activities include nurturing, protecting, and training their children. An individual's mothering actions are shaped by their beliefs about family, individuality, the nature of childhood, and the nature of their child. These are also often shaped by their own childhood and past experiences with children.
The dynamic interactions between the mother and child create deep and meaningful connections. According to this theory, mothering takes place within "specific historical contexts framed by interlocking structures of race, class, and gender'  Furthermore, a mother's strategies and meanings that she develops are influenced by different social locations, such as the intersections of regional and local political economy with class, ethnicity, culture, and sexual preference.
In this family model the father acts as the economic support and sometimes disciplinarian of the family, while the mother or other female relative oversees most of the child-rearing. In East Asian and Western traditional families, fathers were the heads of the families, which meant that his duties included providing financial support and making critical decisions, some of which must have been obeyed without question by the rest of the family members.
Anna Reeves Jarvis was a woman who originally organized Mother's Work Day's protesting the lack of cleanliness and sanitation in the work place. This is common in stepmothers. Deviancy discourses[ edit ] There are many cultural contradictions and diverse arrangements and practices that challenge the intensive mothering ideology. However, they are considered deviant discourses since they do not conform to the script of full-time motherhood in the context of marriage. These include single mothers, welfare mothers, minority mothers, immigrant mothers, and lesbian mothers.
These types of motherhood categories are not mutually exclusive. Many times fathers have a very important role in raising offspring and the title can be given to a non-biological father that fills this role. This is common in stepfathers males married to biological mothers. In East Asian and Western traditional families, fathers are the heads of the families, which means that their duties include providing financial support and making critical decisions, some of which must be obeyed without question by the rest of the family members.
In what some sociologists term the " bourgeois family", which arose out of typical 16th- and 17th-century European households, the father's role has been somewhat limited. This structure is enforced, for example, in societies which legislate " maternity leave " but do not have a corresponding " paternity leave ".
Since the s, social scientists as well as feminists have increasingly criticized gendered arrangements of work and care, and the male breadwinner role, and policies are increasingly targeting men as fathers, as a tool of changing gender relations. While 'da da' or 'dad' often precede it, this does not reflect a stronger bond between the father and child than that of the mother and child, it is merely simpler to pronounce than 'mummy' or 'mum' which require greater control over the mouth muscles.
Specifically, studies have focused on why men choose to become fathers and the relationship between fatherhood and contemporary masculinity. Not surprisingly, recent research on fatherhood is framed by identity theory and has focused on the salience, centrality, and importance of the father identity in men's lives, especially as it may be linked to men's involvement with their children.
According to identity theory, the more salient and central the identity, the more likely individuals are to engage in behaviors associated with it. Salience refers to the readiness to act out an identity in a particular situation. Centrality refers to the importance of an identity in relation to other identities.
The centrality of the father identity is usually held at a higher level as opposed to brother, husband, etc. Men who view their role as a father central and crucial to who they are as a person are more likely to engage with their children and strive to participate in responsible fatherhood. Men who fail to successfully become fathers or are unable to have children view the lack of fatherhood as a threat to their masculinity. As a result, the threat to masculinity serves as a driving force for men to possibly become fathers because they never want to be seen as infertile or effeminate.
Many men blame economic difficulties, cultural differences, and life situations as potential factors that deter them from fatherhood. For men, it is difficult to separate occupational success from fatherhood because financially providing for one's family has been central to the identity of being a father in the United States. As a result, a complex relationship is formed between economic struggles and the importance of fatherhood. Men who are not employed or have low earnings often feel as if they have failed as both fathers and men.
On the other hand, men who have a low socioeconomic status find fatherhood very appealing because it gives them a measure of accomplishment denied to them by the occupational world.
Life situations are defined as an individual's relationship status single or married and their age. Studies have shown that men who are older and married tend to be more likely to pursue fatherhood.
It has been proposed that men continue to view marriagework and fatherhood as a "package deal"  meaning that lacking one of these components, like work or marriage, may result in the decision not to have children.
It has also been proposed that married men feel as if they are expected to pursue fatherhood as a part of their marriage though they personally may not want to have children. On the other hand, men who are single and younger do not feel the same desire because they are not "prepared" to emotionally and financially support a child. The high percentage of mothers becoming the sole parent is sometimes due to the result of a divorce, unplanned pregnancy or the inability to find a befitting partner.
Children who are raised by a single parent are commonly at a disadvantage due to the characteristics of parenting. A mother and father both make significant contributions to the development of a child, therefore one parent's ability to raise a child on her or his own may be hindered. However, in various Catholic regions such as Italy, this is uncommon due to the religious aspects See Catholic marriage. InDenmark was the first nation to allow same sex couples to get married and to provide equal rights to all citizens.
Child-rearing by same-sex couples[ edit ] Children of same-sex couples either come from past relationships or through other opportunities like adoption or artificial insemination. Census, it was suggested that more thanchildren in the United States were being raised by lesbian and gay couples. The trend of child-rearing amongst gay and lesbian couples or partnerships is on the rise. Also, the support from the general public for gay and lesbian couples or partnerships to raising children is at its all-time high since the s.
InAmericans were asked a very similar question. The results were almost more polarizing than the results found in The central argument in the debate for legal rights, policies and overall support is related to the idea of same-sex couples raising children is the well-being of children raised in those families.
There are concerns like about the mental, emotional and even the social development of children who are raised in same sex couple or partnership households. There has been a plethora of research conducted that provides insight into a range of issues, including the personal development, gender development, peer relationships, and family relationships of children with same-sex parents. Children's optimal development seems to be influenced more by the nature of the relationships and interactions within the family unit than by the particular structural form it takes.
The family is considered to be the agency of primary socialisation and the first focal socialisation agency. April Learn how and when to remove this template message In the last two or three decades, the sociology of childhood has gained increasing attention and triggered numerous empirical studies as well as intensive theoretical disputes, starting in the Scandinavian and the English-speaking countries.
Up to this time, sociology had approached children and childhood mainly from a socialization perspective, and the emergence of the new childhood sociological paradigm ran parallel to the feminist critique of sociological traditions. Childhood sociologists attacked the "adultocentric" approach and the "separative view" of sociology towards children.
Not surprisingly, then, the key works in the sociology of childhood are quite interdisciplinary, linking historycultural studiesethnomethodologyand pedagogy. On methodological issues in research with children see Research with Children, edited by Christensen and James Recent trends[ edit ] The current Sociology of childhood is organized around three central discussions: The child as a social actor: This approach derives from youth sociology as well as ethnography.
Focusing on everyday life and the ways children orient themselves in society, it engages with the cultural performances and the social worlds they construct and take part in. Theory and research methodology approach children as active participants and members of society right from the beginning. Therefore, the sociology of childhood distinguishes itself from the established concepts of socialisation  research and developmental psychology of the last decades.
The second approach centers on socio-structural and socio-theoretical questions concerning social equality and social order in a society, which categorizes their members by age and segregates them in many respects rights, deeds, economical participation, ascribed needs etc. These issues can be summarized under the overall concept of the generational order. It is, therefore, a relevant component of social order and deeply connected to other dimensions of social inequality. Social and economic changes and socio-political interventions thus become central topics in childhood sociology.
The analysis of these issues has increased awareness of the generational inequality of societies. The Hybridity of Childhood: This discussion is more critical though not dismissive of the social constructionist approaches that have dominated the sociology of childhood since the s. More open to materialist perspectives, it seeks an interdisciplinary path that recognizes the biological as well as the social and cultural shaping of childhood and holds open the possibility of an interdisciplinary Childhood Studies emergent from current multi-disciplinary efforts.
This scholarship has two important influences. Firstly, a so-called 'new wave' of childhood studies,  heavily influenced by Alan Prout's seminal book The Future of Childhood. Since then, sociologists such as Nick Lee have offered important analyses of the ways in which the 'entanglements' between children and non-human materialities and technologies have become ever-more important to the governance and regulation of children's lives, through what he terms the 'biopoliticisation' of childhood.
Scholars such as Peter Kraftl, John Horton and Affrica Taylor have been particularly influential in examining how childhoods are produced and experienced through complex intersections of emotion, affect, embodiment and materiality. Nevertheless, during the mids, a so-called 'spatial turn' in childhood and education studies saw increasing cross-fertilisation between these fields and the take-up of children's geographers' work by sociologists and others.
Therefore, the prospects for cross-disciplinary scholarship around hybridity, spatiality and a 'new wave' remain very promising — perhaps most evident in a recent volume by Julie Seymour, Abigail Hackett and Lisa Procter. Psychologists and sociologists suggest that self-gender identity is a result of social learning from peers, role modeling within the family unit, and genetic predisposition.
There are significant gender differences in the relationship styles among children which particularly begin to emerge after early childhood and at the onset of middle childhood around age 6 and grow more prevalent with age. Boys tend to play in larger groups than girls, and friends of boys are more likely to become friends with each other which, in turn leads to more density in social networks among boys.
Boys also have more well-defined dominance hierarchies than girls within their peer groups. In terms of dyadic relationshipsgirls are more likely to have longer-lasting relationships of this nature, but no literature suggests that girls engage in more dyadic relationships than boys.
Sociology of knowledge
Girls are also more prosocial in conflict situations and are better at collaborative work and play than boys. They also spend more time in social conversations than boys and are more likely to self-disclose among their peers than boys.
On the other hand, boys are more likely than girls to engage in organized play such as sports and activities with well-defined rules.
One theory suggests that because of this, boys have more opportunities to exhibit their strength and skill and compare theirs to that of their peers during these competitive activities. Girls' peer groups are characterized by strong interpersonal relations, empathy for others, and working towards connection-oriented goals, while boys focus more on asserting their own dominance in the peer group and agenda-oriented goals.
Boys experience more social stress among their peers than girls in the form of verbal and physical abuse, but girls experience more social stress through strains in their friendships and social networks. To deal with social stress, girls do more support-seeking, express more emotions to their friends, and ruminate more than boys. Boys use humor as a distraction from stress and seek less emotional support within their friendships and social networks. Overall, the literature implies that the biological gender of children affects how parents interact with them.
Differentials in interaction range from the amount of time spent with children to how much parents invest financially in their children's futures. On average, fathers tend to exhibit more differential treatment than mothersand fathers tend to be more invested in families with sons than families with daughters in terms of both time and money.
However, the association of gender with father investment has been weakening over the years, and the differentials are not large. That which makes such a description different from the "naive" subjective descriptions of the man in the street, or those of the traditional, positivist social scientist, is the utilization of phenomenological methods.
Husserl's work was directed at establishing the formal structures of intentional consciousness. Husserl's work was conducted as a transcendental phenomenology of consciousness. The difference in their research projects lies at the level of analysis, the objects taken as topics of study, and the type of phenomenological reduction that is employed for the purposes of analysis.
Ultimately, the two projects should be seen as complementary, with the structures of the latter dependent on the structures of the former. That is, valid phenomenological descriptions of the formal structures of the Life-world should be wholly consistent with the descriptions of the formal structures of intentional consciousness. It is from the latter that the former derives its validity and truth value Sokolowski: The phenomenological tie-in with the sociology of knowledge stems from two key historical sources for Mannheim 's analysis: The phenomenological position is that although the facticity of the social world may be culturally and historically relative, the formal structures of consciousness, and the processes by which we come to know and understand this facticity, are not.
That is, the understanding of any actual social world is unavoidably dependent on understanding the structures and processes of consciousness that found, and constitute, any possible social world.
Dunbar's number - Wikipedia
Alternatively, if the facticity of the social world and the structures of consciousness prove to be culturally and historically relative, then we are at an impasse in regard to any meaningful scientific understanding of the social world which is not subjective as opposed to being objective and grounded in nature [positivism], or inter subjective and grounded in the structures of consciousness [phenomenology]and relative to the cultural and idealization formations of particular concrete individuals living in a particular socio-historical group.
Michel Foucault A particularly important contemporary contribution to the sociology of knowledge is found in the work of Michel Foucault. Madness and Civilization postulated that conceptions of madness and what was considered "reason" or "knowledge" was itself subject to major culture bias — in this respect mirroring similar criticisms by Thomas Szaszat the time the foremost critic of psychiatryand himself now an eminent psychiatrist.
A point where Foucault and Szasz agreed was that sociological processes played the major role in defining "madness" as an "illness" and prescribing "cures". In The Birth of the Clinic: An Archeology of Medical PerceptionFoucault extended his critique to institutional clinical medicine, arguing for the central conceptual metaphor of " The Gaze ", which had implications for medical educationprison designand the carceral state as understood today.
Concepts of criminal justice and its intersection with medicine were better developed in this work than in Szasz and others, who confined their critique to current psychiatric practice. The Order of Things and The Archeology of Knowledge introduced abstract notions of mathesis and taxonomia to explain the subjective 'ordering' of the human sciences.
These, he claimed, had transformed 17th and 18th century studies of "general grammar" into modern " linguistics ", " natural history " into modern " biology ", and " analysis of wealth " into modern " economics "; though not, claimed Foucault, without loss of meaning. According to Foucault, the 19th century transformed what knowledge was. Foucault regarded notions of humanity and of humanism as inventions of modernity. Accordingly, a cognitive bias had been introduced unwittingly into science, by over-trusting the individual doctor or scientist's ability to see and state things objectively.
Foucault roots this argument in the rediscovery of Kant, though his thought is significantly influenced by Nietzsche — that philosopher declaring the "death of God" in the 19th century, and the anti-humanists proposing the "death of Man" in the 20th. In Discipline and Punish: According to him, knowledge is a form of power and can conversely be used against individuals as a form of power. Institutions such as schools reinforce the dominant ideological forms of thinking onto the populace and force us into becoming obedient and docile beings.